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This article examines the nature of the paralysis of public governance, leadership, conflict and economic development in selected countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that ineffective political leadership and conflict will serve as a lever to poor economic growth and social development. Servant leadership and democratic representation are the continuous process of development that could be accomplished through the participation of the citizens in their own development. The dynamics of development and participation at both national and grassroots levels must involve the exposure of government change agents to peace, participatory learning and action models. The article uses data derived from primary and secondary sources to analyse the problem of political conflict, peace, leadership and economic growth. The conceptual framework is based on the structural conflict theory, negative and positive peace theories, frustration-aggression theory, physiological theories, human needs theory and economic theories. The findings show that there is a negative correlation between authoritarian political leadership and economic growth in Africa. In addition, there is a positive relationship between authoritarian political leadership and conflict in several countries in Africa. The article recommends internal and external mediation and peace education mechanisms to prevent conflict from escalating or degenerating into avoidable crises. Thus, government, private sector and nongovernmental organisations should collaborate to restore justice and equality by liberating citizens from cultural, and ethnic elements that subjugate them. The nations in sub-Saharan Africa need to establish capacity-building initiatives that could help to nurture changes in behaviour, attitudes, peace and humanist paradigm, as well as offer not only the basis for self-reliance, participatory sustainable development, but also a means to peaceful shared governance and inclusive democracy.

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Africa's Public Service Delivery and Performance Review

ISSN: (Online) 2310-2152, (Print) 2310-2195

Page 1 of 13 Original Research

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Authors:

Robert Dibie1

Josephine Dibie2

Aliaons:

1Department of Public

Administraon and Health

Management, Indiana

University Kokomo,

United States

2School of Business, Indiana

University, United States

Corresponding author:

Robert Dibie,

rdibie@yahoo.com

Dates:

Received: 28 Apr. 2017

Accepted: 11 July 2017

Published: 18 Sept. 2017

How to cite this arcle:

Dibie, R. & Dibie, J. 2017,

'Analysis of the paralysis of

government leadership in

sub-Saharan Africa', Africa's

Public Service Delivery and

Performance Review 5(1),

a167. hps://doi.org/

10.4102/apsdpr.v5i1.167

Licensee: AOSIS. This work

is licensed under the

Creave Commons

Aribuon License.

Introducon

A common manifestation of poor governance and the rule of law is corruption. Political corruption

and no respect for rule of law or human beings are also reasons for much of the strife in Africa

(Dibie, Edoho & Dibie 2015; BBC 2016; Villalon & Huxtable 1998). History tells us that since the

Berlin Conference during the late 1800s artiﬁcial borders were drawn through territories by

European colonists, throwing unfamiliar groups of Africans together and thus inciting conﬂicts

(Bujra 2002; Falola 1998). According to Transparency International (2016) among the 10 countries

considered most corrupt in the world, six are in sub-Saharan Africa. A 2002 African Union study

estimated that corruption cost the continent roughly $150 billion a year (Hanson 2009). To

compare, developed countries gave $22.5 billion in aid to sub-Saharan Africa in 2008, according to

the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD 2008; Babalola 2011). Some

economists argue that African governments need to ﬁght corruption instead of relying on foreign

aid (Hanson 2009).

Several scholars have explained the reasons why African countries are ﬁnding it difﬁcult to strive

in economic development. Dibie et al. (2015) contend that the chaos of political leadership has a

rhythm and ﬂow that move multidirectionally, and through the cloud of self-aggrandisement and

a discrete and elegant simplicity that deﬁes economic development and conﬂict. Ake (1982 and

1996) argues that colonial legacy, social pluralism, corruption, poor planning and incompetent

management, limited in-ﬂow of foreign capital and low levels of saving and investment are the

reasons for poor economic development in Africa. In addition, Ake (2005 and 1996) contends that

the problem is not that development has failed, but rather that it was never really on the agenda

during the de-colonialisation process. Van de Walle (2001) explains that the underdevelopment

situation in Africa is because of deliberate action to prevent the continent's governments from

undertaking reforms by societal interest and pressure groups, clientelism within the state elite

and ideological factors. Further, Van de Walle (2001) contends that low state capacity has also

This article examines the nature of the paralysis of public governance, leadership, conﬂict and

economic development in selected countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that ineffective

political leadership and conﬂict will serve as a lever to poor economic growth and

social development. Servant leadership and democratic representation are the continuous

process of development that could be accomplished through the participation of the citizens in

their own development. The dynamics of development and participation at both national and

grassroots levels must involve the exposure of government change agents to peace,

participatory learning and action models. The article uses data derived from primary and

secondary sources to analyse the problem of political conﬂict, peace, leadership and economic

growth. The conceptual framework is based on the structural conﬂict theory, negative and

positive peace theories, frustration-aggression theory, physiological theories, human needs

theory and economic theories. The ﬁndings show that there is a negative correlation between

authoritarian political leadership and economic growth in Africa. In addition, there is a

positive relationship between authoritarian political leadership and conﬂict in several

countries in Africa. The article recommends internal and external mediation and peace

education mechanisms to prevent conﬂict from escalating or degenerating into avoidable crises.

Thus, government, private sector and nongovernmental organisations should collaborate to

restore justice and equality by liberating citizens from cultural, and ethnic elements that

subjugate them. The nations in sub-Saharan Africa need to establish capacity-building

initiatives that could help to nurture changes in behaviour, attitudes, peace and humanist

paradigm, as well as offer not only the basis for self-reliance, participatory sustainable

development, but also a means to peaceful shared governance and inclusive democracy.

Analysis of the paralysis of government leadership

in sub-Saharan Africa

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resulted in some limited reform, but much prevarication and

manipulation of the reform process, by governments that do

not really believe that reform should be effective.

Change is always a challenge to African political leaders.

This is because post-independence history has shown that

political leaders and senior public administrators have not

accepted the task confronting them in respect of transparency

and accountability to the citizens. African political leaders

seem to engulf with the principles of the vampire states that

are characterised to have client status, personalised identity,

centralised or overdeveloped morphology, a pre-bendal or

rentier nature and an extractive impulse (Frimpong-Ansah

1992; Van de Walle 2003). The vampire state concept also

deﬁnes the notion that they must enrich themselves at the

expense of their nation's economic development. Because of

this mindset of African political leaders, the traditional

institutional and vertical views of work and relationship

are inadequate for them to understand how to lead and

implement economic changes that will beneﬁt every citizen.

According to Olanrewaju (2017) and Kalu et al. (2009), the

prosperity of a nation is an indication of the kind of decisions

that their political leaders make. He contends that great

leaders of nations do not view their decisions from the prism

of their impact on them but more about how such decisions

positively affect their citizens. African political leaders who

operate from this perspective will not put their own concerns

and interests of their cronies above what is required by the

citizens.

What is missing in the literature on African leadership is

that there are assumptions that all leaders must work

to harmonise the efforts of their citizens in the governance

of their respective countries. It is also expected that an

array of connections may together advance to economic

development of their country (Adedeji 1999; Falola 2002;

Reychler 2015; Yager et al. 2005 and 2014). However,

these scholars fail to realise that chaos and complexity are

simply the normal content for all work and relationship for

leaders and administrators. Therefore, leaders must use

their understanding of chaos and complexity in every

element of their responsibilities to make decisions that

positively affect their citizens as well as others. Dibie et al.

(2015) and Olanrewaju (2017) contend that there is nothing

preventing African political leaders to behave and become

ethical individuals. This is because ethical credibility is the

right way to etch one's legacy and name in the hearts of all

citizens and not primitive accumulation of wealth.

This article examines the nature of public governance,

leadership, conﬂict and economic development in selected

countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that ineffective

political leadership and conﬂict will serve as a lever to

poor economic growth and social development. Servant

leadership and democratic representation are continuous

processes of development that could be accomplished through

the participation of the citizens in their own development.

The dynamics of development and participation at both

national and grassroots levels must involve the exposure of

government change agents to peace, participatory learning

and action models. The article uses data derived from primary

and secondary sources to analyse the problem of political

conﬂict, peace, leadership and economic growth. The

conceptual framework is based on the structural conﬂict

theory, negative and positive peace theories, frustration-

aggression theory, physiological theories, human needs

theory and economic theories. The ﬁndings show that there is

a negative correlation between authoritarian political

leadership and economic growth in Africa. In addition, there

is a positive relationship between authoritarian political

leadership and conﬂict in several countries in Africa.

Thus, government, private sector and nongovernmental

organisations (NGOs) should collaborate to restore justice

and equality by liberating citizens from the doctrinal, cultural

and ethnic elements that subjugate them. Nations in sub-

Saharan Africa need to establish capacity-building projects

that could help to nurture changes in behaviour, attitudes,

peace and humanist paradigm, as well as offer not only the

basis for self-reliance, participatory sustainable development,

but also a means to peaceful shared governance and inclusive

democracy.

Leadership, conict and peace

framework

Leadership is generally deﬁned as the art of inﬂuencing

people to work freely towards the achievement of collective

goals (Grifﬁn, Phillip & Gully 2017). Shared governance is the

core premise of good leadership (Greenberg 2013; Holzer &

Schwester 2016). Servant leadership and accountability can

be especially powerful in informing the activities of public

administrators and political leaders in the implementation of

public policy and the delivery of goods and services to

citizens in African countries. Dibie (2014) contends that if

excellent leaderships are to be constructed, they should rely

on lessons of liberal and representative democracy as viewed

through new lenses all over the world. As a result, the essence

of leadership in Africa should be getting citizens to participate

in a transparent sustainable development process and

economic well-being of all citizens. Citizens will be more

inclined to follow leaders who exude conﬁdence. Thus,

having conﬁdence in their abilities and conveying this

conﬁdence will ultimately make citizens feel that their

leaders' decisions are correct. However, having conﬁdence in

a leader's ability may galvanize citizens to determine that

following should be the right thing to do under such

circumstance. In addition, new method of governance points

to the changing realities in which political leaders and public

administrators hold a great deal of responsibilities by

working with multiple organisations. According to Agranoff

and McGuire (2003) and Holzer and Schwester (2016)

through partnership, networks, representation, contractual

relationships, alliances, committees, coalitions, consortia and

councils, political leaders and public administrators can

jointly develop strategies and produce goods and services on

behalf of the citizens in their country.

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Conﬂict is an inevitable result of interdependencies among

people, work, groups and organisations (Grifﬁn, Phillips &

Gully 2017). Conﬂict is a disagreement that arises when

two or more parties perceive threat to their interests, needs

or concerns. Conﬂict as used in this article refers to civil

war, violent conﬂict, civil strife, hostility, war and political

instability, interchangeably. When people, groups or

organisations disagree over signiﬁcant issues, conﬂict is

often the result. In some cases, political behaviour or battle

over limited resources generates conﬂict between groups.

In addition, conﬂict may also result from anticipating trouble

or discomfort. It might happen, when a citizen anticipates

trouble in a situation in which a person may behave

antagonistically towards another person whom he or she

expects to pose obstacle to goal achievement (Greenberg 2013;

Moorhead & Grifﬁn 2004). Conﬂict can be both constructive

and destructive (Deutsch 1973; Pruitt, Rubin & Kim 2003).

Although conﬂict is often considered as harmful and thus

something to avoid, it can have some beneﬁts. Greenberg

(2013) and Nelson and Quick (2013) contend that a total

absence of conﬂict can lead to apathy and lethargy. On the

other hand, moderate degree of conﬂict can stimulate new

ideas, promote healthy competition and energise behaviour.

It is interesting to note that several chief executive ofﬁcers in

non-proﬁt organisations and NGOs consider conﬂict as

beneﬁcial and conducive to higher quality decision-making

in all their operations (Dibie 2014; McCloud 2014).

According to Moorhead and Grifﬁn (2004), the following

theories are used to provide a framework for understanding

why conﬂict occurs and the conditions for their resolution.

The relational theory provides an explanation for a violent

conﬂict between groups by exploring sociological, political

and historical relationships among such groups (Ademola

2008; Coser 1964; Maoz 1982). The relational theory argues

that in situations where multiple interest groups within a

political system share a common resource that is ﬁxed in

nature, there is the tendency that each will attempt to

eliminate, neutralise or injure the other or monopolise the

resources, thereby entering a negative relationship (Coser 1964;

Maoz 1982).

The structural conﬂict theory postulates that conﬂicts occur

because of the exploitative and unjust nature of human

societies (Ross 1993; Scarborough 1998). It argues that because

human societies are structured in such a way that it enables

one group to dominate another group conﬂict will often

occur. Radicals like Friedrich Engel and Karl Marx blame

capitalism for being an exploitative system based on its

relations of production and the division of society into the

proletariat and bourgeoisie (Marx 2000). According to this

theory the exploitation of the proletariat and lower classes

under capitalism creates conﬂict. The solution to this type

of conﬂict, to the Marxists, is that the contradictions will

end in a revolution or civil war or some form of violence

leading to the overthrow of the exploitative system. Liberal

structuralisms call leaders of nations to eliminate the

structural defects with appropriate public policy of

redistribution of the public goods equitably.

The frustration-aggression theory presents an argument that

when expectation does not meet attainment the tendency is

for people to confront those they hold responsible for

frustrating their ambitions (Berkowitz 1962; Yates 1962). The

theory also suggests that aggression is not just undertaken as

a natural reaction or instinct, but it may be the outcome of

frustration. In a situation where the legitimate needs of an

individual are denied either directly or by the indirect

consequence of the way the society is structured, the feeling

of disappointment may lead such a person to express anger

through violence that will be directed at those he or she holds

responsible (Yates 1962; Moller 2006).

The economic theories argue that conﬂict entrepreneurs

beneﬁt from chaos while most of the population are affected

by the negative impacts of conﬂict (Collier 2003). Collier

contends that the leaders of armed formation that are

perpetrating the violence often proﬁt from the chaos. Berdal

and Malone (2000) and Collier & Binswanger (1999) observes

that economic disparities, war, the crisis stage of internal

conﬂict and so on have sometimes become a vast private and

proﬁt-making enterprise. Thus, social conﬂict represents at

the most basic level a contest for control over economic access

to wealth, resources or political systems. For example, the

manufacturers of the guns used to ﬁght wars in Africa are

beneﬁting from the sales of weapons, while Africans are

using their product to kill each other.

The human needs theory postulates that all human beings

have basic needs which they seek to fulﬁl (Burton 1979). As a

result, denial and frustration of these needs by other groups

or individuals could affect them immediately or later resulting

in a conﬂict (Rosati et al. 1990, Burton & Dukes 1990).

According to needs theory Maslow identiﬁed needs such as

physiological needs, safety needs, belongingness, esteem and

self-actualisation needs (Grifﬁn et al. 2017). According to

Burton (1979) such needs are human beings' response,

stimulation, security, recognition, distributive justice. It also

means to develop rationality, need for sense of control and

need for rule defence. In addition, human beings' need for

survival, protection, affection, understanding, participation,

creativity and identity are shared by all people. Therefore, the

absence of economic opportunities, hyperinﬂation and

penury are manifestation of economic imbalance, while

political instability leads to fear and frustration. The needs

that are frustrated by institutions and norms must be pursued

in one way or the other (Ademola 2008; Buton 1979; Ikejiaku

& Dauda 2011). Factors such as corruption, deprivation of

basic resources and public goods and services constitute the

root of bitter conﬂict (Porter-O'Grady & Malloch 2015,

Spencer 2012). Therefore, denial by society or government to

provide materials for basic needs, recognition and identity

would lead to alternative behaviour designed to satisfy such

needs, be it at ethnic conﬂict, street gang or domestic violence

(Greenberg 2013; Nelson & Quick 2013).

There is a consensus among these theories that to resolve

a conﬂict or to prevent one from occurring there are needs

that must be met with appropriate level of equity in the

Page 4 of 13 Original Research

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distribution of public goods, economic resources and

political power. Further, according to Ikejiaku and Dauda

(2011) these theories help human beings to understand the

causes, resolution and management of conﬂict in the African

continent. The human needs theory and the physiological

theories better explain why the present generation should

not only blame colonialism, or neo-colonialism, global

market or Africa's failure to follow Western development

culture. These two theories are also different from the theories

that attribute the causes of conﬂicts to the inherent

aggressiveness of man.

Poorer countries have a considerably higher risk of civil war

than rich countries; if this is supposed to apply to Africa

only, then it is not necessarily true mainly because most

of the African countries are very poor by most standards

(Irobi 2005; Shephard et al 2013). Furthermore, civil wars are

found in both poor and rich countries. Countries with

abundant natural resources have a higher risk of civil

wars. Some countries in Africa fall under this category;

however, Botswana is doing ﬁne with a stable democratic

system. However, some countries where governments

are dysfunctional may have a higher risk of civil wars

(UN Development Programme 2015). This is true of the

Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, South Sudan, Sudan,

Nigeria, Central African Republic and so on.

Figure 1 shows inclusiveness which means that all those who

have a stake in a governance process and want to participate

in it such as men and women, rich and poor, rural and urban

can do so on an equal basis, whether by voting, by contributing

to dialogue or by overseeing local public service agencies

(Karim 2014; McCloud 2014). Inclusiveness also means that

governments treat everyone equally, that they protect the

rights of everyone with equal vigour, that exclusion and

discrimination are absent in the provision of public services

and that everyone has equal rights to recourse and remedy

if there is discrimination by public ofﬁcials (World Bank

2003). Accountability is based on the idea that people

have the right to hold their governments answerable for

how they use the authority of the state and the resources of

the people. Accountability needs transparency or full access

to information. People need to know about the functioning

of the government, to hold it answerable. On the other hand,

governments need to provide access to such information

(Ya Ni & Wart 2016). Accountability also needs contestability,

being able to choose among alternative political and economic

entities based on how well they perform. It also means

recourse and remedy when government actions contravene

basic rights, especially those of inclusiveness, or violate the

rule of law (World Bank 2003).

Social relations are basically sets of expectations that deﬁne

rights and obligations, as well as status and roles. These

expectations have in most cases in Africa led to

disagreements or conﬂict (Ademola 2008; Denhardt 2004).

The argument that rebel movements ﬁnd it harder to

organise a rebellion and to be cohesive is rather strange and

goes against all the evidence in Africa. Firstly, it took only

the Igbos or Hutus or Tusis to start a major civil war in

Nigeria and Rwanda respectively – a highly fractionised

society; the Igbos were cohesive and well organised.

Secondly, the civil wars in Uganda, Sudan, Angola, DRC,

Liberia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Libya, and Rwanda are other

examples of conﬂict in Africa (Bujra 2002 Shah 2010 and

2011). Conﬂicts in Sierra Leone were carried out by rebel

movements, which are organised across ethnic lines. Finally,

there is no need for polarisation of society (ethnically or

religiously) to have a civil war, if 'political dysfunction and

or development failures' are the condition prevailing in a

country. According to Ademola (2008) making the type

of corrections that could lead to equitable and positive

relationships requires a change in leadership strategies or

tactics or appropriate public policies. However, change is

often resisted not because people do not see its positive

values, but because they are not so keen to admit their

blunders, which may be induced from within or factors that

may be beyond the control of the political leader.

Research method

The objective of this article was to examine the nature of

government leadership, public governance and economic

development in selected countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The

analysis utilised data derived through primary and secondary

sources in Africa. Most of the primary data and information

were derived from interviews, focus group meetings and

questionnaires. The open-ended, in-depth and interactive

interview approach gave the respondents the opportunity

to discuss government leadership, conﬂict and capacity-

building issues in Africa between 2013 and 2016. The in-

depth interviews were useful to capture the respondents'

voice, experience and interpretation of their experiences. The

sub-Saharan African continent was divided into four regions:

(1) north Africa; (2) west Africa; (3) east Africa; and

Equal protecon Equal

treatment

Inclusiveness

Good governance

Accountability

Contestability

Transparency

Source: World Bank 2003

FIGURE 1: Dynamics of good governance in Africa.

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(4) south Africa. Three countries were selected from each

region. Questionnaires were administered to 2500

respondents drawn from various selected countries. Those

who participated in the completing the questionnaires,

focus group meetings and interviews included career

public servants, business executives, doctors, lawyers,

law enforcement ofﬁcers, teachers, housewives, traders,

farmers, nurses and administrators of NGOs. A total of

1700 (68%) questionnaires were completed and returned

by the respondents. Data collected were analysed by using

SPSS statistical tool and presented in correlations, frequency

tables and percentile. The questionnaire was designed

to capture data relevant to the research questions and

objectives. It predominantly comprised closed ended

questions to capture the nature of the political and

administrative leadership in each country. Three hundred

and ﬁfty respondents from the above proﬁle of participants

attended the focus group meetings.

Interviews were conducted in the North, West, East and

Southern regions. Three hundred interviews were conducted

in each of the regions within three countries (100 per country).

A total of 1200 one-on-one interviews were conducted. The

central research questions are: (1) Do you think your political

and senior administrative leaders are ethically credible?

(2) Have the political leaders of your country contributed

to any major economic development accomplishment? (3)

Does the president of your country promote human rights,

transparency and accountability towards the citizens? (4) Are

the current political leaders in your country interested in

shared governance and conﬂict resolution?

The interview, focus group meetings and survey

were supplemented through an in-depth desk review and

content analysis of relevant published and unpublished

studies and policy and programme documents. Further,

analysis of the type of political leadership problems, conﬂicts

resolution initiatives, economic development trends and

laws in selected African countries was conducted. In addition,

some of the secondary data were derived through content

analysis of government policy documents, annual reports

produced by international agencies such as the International

Labor Organization, United Nation Economic Commission

for Africa, United Nations Human Development Index

and the World Bank. Other data sources including staff

of government agencies, ministries, departments and

NGOs were interviewed to substantiate the cases in point.

The ﬁndings support some the arguments presented in

the literature review. The limitation of the study is that not

all countries in Africa were covered by this research.

Analysis of leadership, conict and

economic development

The demography of the 1700 staff who returned

their completed questionnaire showed that about 52% of them

were male, while 48% were female. In addition, 40% of the

respondents were from the private sector, while 50% worked

in different ministries or agencies of the government. The

remaining 10% of the respondents were unemployed

housewives. The data also showed that most of the public-

sector respondents had degrees in various disciplines. There

were a few respondents working either in the private sector or

in public sector who did not graduate from college. About

30% of the respondents who are traders and farmers had some

qualiﬁcation from tertiary institutions. Another interesting

ﬁnding is that almost 40% of the respondents who work in

NGOs were students' from universities or polytechnics. Half

of the students were also either doing their internship or were

in part-time school to complete their degree programme.

Further, most of the respondents who were teachers also had

private business where they sold different items and belonged

to the age group between 30 and 60 years old. Table 1 shows

the response to ﬁrst research question.

Research Queson 1:

Do you think your political and senior administrative leaders

are ethically credible?

Questionnaire items 6 and 14 were utilised in the analysis

of the relationship between leadership ethical credibility

TABLE 1: Nature of polical leadership ethical credibility.

Prole of

respondents

North South East West Total Yes No

Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No

Public servants 90 29 61 50 17 33 60 19 41 40 17 23 240 82 158

Business

execuves

50 16 34 36 15 21 42 19 23 42 18 24 170 68 102

Farmers 45 10 35 42 16 26 40 18 22 50 24 26 177 68 109

Housewives 40 14 26 35 17 18 40 10 30 55 24 31 170 65 105

Law enforcement

ocers

40 19 21 45 17 28 30 15 15 40 14 26 155 65 90

Lawyers 30 24 6 31 15 16 25 12 13 28 13 15 114 64 50

Medical doctors 30 15 15 25 10 15 30 13 17 24 11 14 109 49 61

NGO sta 30 14 16 45 20 25 60 25 35 50 25 25 185 84 101

Teachers 35 12 23 60 18 42 48 21 27 46 22 24 189 73 116

Traders 35 17 18 56 23 33 50 23 27 50 21 29 191 84 107

Total 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - - 702 999

Total (% ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - 41.3 58.8

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016

Page 6 of 13 Original Research

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and economic development. These questions highlighted

data of possible reasons why political leaders and senior

public administrators were considered by citizens not to be

effectively involved in proactive economic development

issues. Analysis of the questionnaire data showed that there

was a negative relationship between political leaders' ethical

credibility and economic development. Table 1 shows that

58.8% of respondents stated that their political leaders and

senior administrators were not ethically credible while

41.3% indicated that some were. A weak correlation was also

found in the north, south, east and western regions of sub-

Saharan countries. It is interesting to note that 98% of the

respondents indicated that electing an ethical leader is

paramount to achieving good governance. The respondents

believe that ethical leaders could make decisions that do not

focus on how such policies would beneﬁt their interest but

the multiplying positive effective of the citizens. Therefore,

ethical leaders is what sub-Saharan countries need to

achieve economic development. The correlation level is

shown in Table 3.

Research Queson 2:

Have the political leaders of your country contributed to

any major economic development accomplishment?

Table 2 shows that 64.9% of the respondents indicated

that they believed their political leaders and public

administrators had not done much in respect of economic

development. This is because they felt that their political

leaders and administrators were using government money

for themselves and their family members. Respondents

indicated that while the average citizen leaves with less than

US$2 a day the political leaders were busy sending their

children to Europe and North America to study and vacation

as well as buying expensive properties. Almost 83.5% of the

farmers, housewives, teachers, traders and medical doctors

interviewed indicated that the political leaders had not

done much in respective of economic development. This is

evident in the high rate of unemployment and dilapidated

infrastructure all over their respective countries. Respondents

also indicated the public schools and hospitals were poorly

funded and equipped to adequately serve the needs of the

low-income citizens.

Further, 57% of the public servants, business executives,

lawyers and law enforcement staff who were interviewed

indicated that although the government was trying to

achieve positive results in some sectors in the economy,

poor management and corruption were the major

problems setting their respective countries back. Effective

accountability, transparency and the pragmatic rule of law

could help African countries to strive more for success

where everyone could be better off from their current

condition. On the other hand, 35% of the respondents stated

that promoting social justice in all ramiﬁcation would help

a lot to steer many countries towards achieving sustainable

development and the idea of collective provision of common

goods and services to all citizens. It is interesting to note

however that all the respondents were not happy with the

present practice of their respective political leaders as well

as the state of their nation's poor economic development.

Although several economic development initiatives were

identiﬁed, the overall data showed that there was a negative

relationship between political leadership ethical credibility

and economic development.

Table 3 shows the weak relationship between leaders'

ethical credibility (north 0.045, south 0.046, east 0.034 and west

0.041) and economic development (north 0.042, south 0.067,

east 0.0440 and west 0.035). Despite a few proactive economic

development initiatives, in general the relationship between

leadership ethical credibility and capacity building for

sustainable development remains very weak. Thus, data from

the four sub-Saharan regions and the countries selected in

each sector show substantial weak relationship.

Questionnaire items 15 to 24 were utilised to evaluate

political leaders' ability to promote human rights,

transparency and accountability as well as shared

governance and conﬂict resolution in the north regions.

These questions highlighted data about possible proactive

TABLE 2: Nature of polical leadership and economic development.

Prole of

respondents

North South East West Total Yes No

Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No

Public servants 62 23 39 45 22 23 53 20 33 39 9 30 199 74 125

Business

execuves

45 19 26 38 13 25 37 16 21 44 19 25 164 67 97

Farmers 53 21 42 57 21 36 63 21 42 56 24 25 229 87 145

Housewives 66 10 56 49 24 25 59 19 40 71 11 60 245 64 181

Law enforcement

ocers

46 17 29 30 13 17 35 12 23 48 21 27 159 63 96

Lawyers 47 20 27 36 16 20 27 16 21 53 19 34 163 71 102

Medical doctors 21 10 11 33 13 20 20 9 11 23 7 16 97 39 58

NGO sta 10 2 8 60 20 40 51 11 40 30 11 19 151 44 107

Teachers 41 12 29 27 7 20 43 19 24 37 17 20 148 55 93

Traders 34 5 29 50 19 31 37 16 21 24 5 19 145 45 1000

Total 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - - 609 1104

Total (% ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - 35.8 64.9

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016

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perception of citizens from various sectors in the economy.

Table 4 shows that 74.5% of respondents stated that the

political leaders in the four regions covered in this

research did not promote human rights, transparency and

accountability towards their citizens. In Table 5, the result

shows that 85.5% of the respondents indicated that their

political leaders did not have interest in shared governance

and conﬂict resolution. Thus, there is a weak relationship

between the human rights, transparency accountability and

proactive initiatives in engaging in shared governance and

conﬂict resolution. It should be pointed out however that

some countries, for example, Ghana in the west, Botswana

and Republic of South Africa in the south and Tanzania in

the east have demonstrated a positive relationship between

transparency and accountability and shared governance.

The general weak relations of the above variables are shown

in Table 6.

Research Queson 3:

Does the president of your country promote human

rights, transparency and accountability towards the

citizens?

Table 4 shows that 74.5% of the respondents stated that their

government and political leaders were not promoting human

rights, transparency and accountability towards the citizens

nor are leaders implementing public policies that foster

human rights in their respective nations. On the other hand,

only 26.1% of the respondents indicated that there were some

elements of human rights and accountability encouraged by

their leaders. This is very important because it shows the

high level of dishonesty among African leaders. Further, most

African leaders are regarded by their citizens to be very

authoritarian and corrupt.

TABLE 3: Correlaon matrix for leadership ethical credibility and economic development.

Factors North index South index East index West index

Leadership ethical credibility 0.045 0.046 0.034 0.410*

Economic development 0.042 0.067 0.044 0.035

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016 data analysis

*Correlaon is signicant at the 0.05 level (two-tailed)

TABLE 4: Promote human rights, transparency and accountability towards the cizens.

Prole of

respondents

North South East West Total Yes No

Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No

Public servants 29 11 18 60 19 41 50 17 33 37 10 27 176 57 119

Business

execuves

70 23 47 45 15 30 38 12 36 29 12 17 182 62 130

Farmers 55 10 45 53 18 35 56 17 39 59 9 50 223 54 169

Housewives 44 8 36 61 21 40 51 9 42 48 7 41 204 45 159

Law enforcement

ocers

20 8 12 28 11 17 30 18 12 51 21 30 129 58 71

Lawyers 15 2 13 20 6 14 18 216 23 11 12 76 21 55

Medical doctors 17 6 11 25 6 19 15 2 13 20 2 18 77 16 61

NGO sta 72 13 59 44 13 31 55 9 46 58 6 52 229 41 188

Teachers 40 9 31 40 18 22 62 5 57 60 12 48 202 44 158

Traders 59 7 52 49 15 34 50 13 37 40 9 31 198 44 154

Total 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - - 442 1264

Total (% ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - 26.1 74.5

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016

TABLE 5: Leadership interest in shared governance and conict resoluon.

Prole of

respondents

North South East West Total Yes No

Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No Total

Response

Yes No

Public servants 52 13 39 38 12 26 49 11 38 64 11 53 203 47 156

Business

execuves

34 9 25 23 9 14 40 931 37 19 18 134 46 88

Farmers 56 6 50 63 6 57 58 3 55 55 6 49 232 21 211

Housewives 71 8 63 55 7 48 45 5 40 49 2 47 220 22 198

Law enforcement

ocers

30 11 19 19 217 33 4 29 21 2 19 103 19 84

Lawyers 21 2 19 26 7 19 25 3 22 33 1 32 105 13 92

Medical doctors 15 2 13 10 0 10 13 2 11 21 5 16 59 9 50

NGO sta 42 0 42 64 13 51 49 6 43 45 3 42 200 22 178

Teachers 56 6 50 61 9 52 58 7 51 39 5 34 214 27 187

Traders 48 5 43 66 7 59 55 6 49 61 3 58 230 21 209

Total 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - 425 - - - 247 1453

Total (% ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - 14.5 85.5

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016

NGO, nongovernmental organisaon.

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While almost 79% of the interview respondents indicated

that human rights, transparency and accountability were

somewhat observed by their political leaders. Another 23%

of the respondents stated that their leaders seemed to be

above the laws. Some respondents gave a very crucial

example of what they meant:

'If a poor man steals a goat he will be sentenced to jail

term; however, when the minister or governor steals more

than a US$100 million, the court allows such rich leaders to

refund part of it and go free'. (Some interview respondents

in Nigeria).

Respondents call this double standard as oppression against

the poor citizens in their respective countries. More than

80% of the respondents indicated that shared governance

in their respective countries meant sharing stolen money

between political leaders while the poor citizens continue

to suffer. Some respondents stated that shared governance

also meant 'the rich getting richer while the poor getting

poorer'. The interview respondents all agreed that providing

a more accountable and transparent political system

where nobody is above the law could promote social justice

as well as reduce conﬂict in the search for limited common

goods.

Research Queson 4:

Are the current political leaders in your country interested in

shared governance and conﬂict?

During the four different focus group meetings, the respondents

showed several discriminatory factors and characteristics

that they connected to their inability to adequately contribute

to the sustainable development process in their respective

countries. These unlawful factors have also negatively affected

their sense of empowerment and capacity building in a

culture of lack of shared governance. Because of the above

understanding of lack of proactive economic development and

ethically credible political leadership, respondents believe that

their national government needed to do more to improve

the plight of its citizens. During the focus group meetings

respondents voted their concerns about constitutional issues,

economic predicaments, capacity-building imperatives and

unemployment problems. The comments of the respondents

also indicated that they were ready to venture into demanding

more transparency and accountability from their respective

political leaders and governments. Table 7 shows the summary

of the focus group meetings.

Public policy recommendaons

What can African leaders and citizens do to prevent conﬂict

and harmful relations from escalating? An answer to this

question will be the basis for the following public policy

recommendation. Negotiation is an important skill in

managing and resolving conﬂict, as well as many other

economic developments, shared governance, inclusiveness

and participation activities (Grifﬁn et al. 2017). Collaborating

and building consensus reﬂects a high concern for the

TABLE 6: Correlaon matrix for promong human rights, transparency and accountability, and shared governance and conict resoluon

Factors North index South index East index West index

Promote human rights, transparency and accountability

towards the cizens

0.044 0.036 0.043 0.041

Shared governance and conict resoluon 0.046 0.046 0.045 0.037

Source: Derived from eld research in sub-Saharan Africa 2013–2016 data analysis

Table 7: Number of statements made by focus group queson respondents.

Policies Issues that

need soluons

Idened economic development

problems vote

Vote to change current pracces and

policies

Vote to keep current pracce Total

Constuonal issues

Equal opportunity for men and women 124 221 5350

Equal employment for men and women 150 200 0 350

Human rights protecon for all cizens 138 178 34 350

Civil rights for all cizens 114 228 8 350

Polical rights for all cizens 138 210 2350

Economic issues

Credit given to qualied cizens 122 224 4 350

Ownership & control of property 130 210 10 350

Inheritance 67 225 28 350

Capacity building issues

Educaon entlements 130 208 12 350

Health entlements 104 240 6 350

Funds to start small business 126 215 0 350

Labour issues

Abolish quota system in government jobs 140 203 7 350

High unemployment problem 170 180 0 350

Breaking glass ceiling for women 175 175 0 350

Social security entlements 170 180 0 350

Improved working condion policies 143 221 3 350

Source: Derived from interviews from north, south, east, and western regions in Africa 2013–2016

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interests of the parties in dispute. This conﬂict resolution

public policy emphasises problem solving and pursues an

outcome that gives both parties what they want (Dye 2010;

Dibie et al. 2015). The collaboration approach is often

regarded as the best approach to conﬂict resolution because it

helps to fulﬁl both parties with a goal of 'I win and you win'.

Judicial reform and restructuring of legal

educaon

The government judiciary system of any country must not

relent in their efforts to ensure the effective administration of

justice (Dibie 2014; Uwazie 2014). There is an urgent need for

the restructuring of the judicial system in most African

countries. It could be argued that institutional reform could

also lead to the transformation of the judicial system in

most African countries. The reform in the judicial system

is also likely to have positive impact on critical areas such

as combating corruption, commercial and investment

malpractices. The bone of contention is however the fair and

impartial administration of justice where nobody is above

the law or constitutional provisions of any African country.

The judicial system also needs to keep abreast with the

growing best practice in the ﬁeld. Vigorous involvement of

legal practitioners through the judicial system in conﬂict

resolution should be regarded as part of the sustainable

development process. This is necessary to curtail apathy

towards conﬂict resolution among legal practitioners. The

restructuring of the legal education to cover a full study

course in alternative dispute resolutions should also be part

of the judicial reform process. It is anticipated that in future

alternative dispute resolution experts will help to respond to

the conﬂict challenges in Africa.

Soluon for corrupon

To escape the vicious cycle that corruption has created

for disadvantaged groups, people need to be able to speak

up for their rights and demand accountability from their

leaders, ensuring access to basic social services and

resources. If the social contract between the government and

the people fails, citizens and the poor people are forced to

compromise on the quality of their livelihoods and their

social and human rights (Allen 2013; Dibie et al. 2015).

Further, programmes that could enable disadvantaged

people to take part in the development processes by opening

dialogue between them and their governments should be

established. If people have a say in how they are governed

(participatory governance) and ofﬁcials are accountable to

the people they serve (social accountability), poor people

become aware of their power and the force their voices have

when raised. Therefore, servant leadership values, integrity

principles and empowered citizens could beneﬁt from being

considered champions of economic growth, and the national

development (Transparency International, 2016).

Experts suggest a variety of methods for African governments

to battle corruption, with a special emphasis on transparency

and accountability. These methods include: (1) creating

anti-corruption agencies, (2) strengthening existing

institutions, (3) reducing dependency on foreign aid and (4)

the role of global partners. Some analysts argue that one of

the most effective ways to reduce corruption is targeting

transactions related to natural resources extraction, a major

source of revenue in many African countries from the

Democratic Republic of Congo to Angola and Nigeria (Dibie

2014; Hanson 2009).

Economic development and capacity building

Economic growth is important because it keeps all nations

moving in a positive, productive direction (Dibie et al 2015;

Mandel 2013; Mankiw 2018). Increased economic growth in

Africa may enhance or increase employment opportunities.

The neoclassical approach to economic growth prescribes

two basic premises (Froeb et al. 2016). A free market economy

is important in the economic development of a country. Clear

and serious uneven distribution of economic resources

between regions and ethnic groups is known to have led to

conﬂict, sometimes to serious secessionist rebellion. An

enabling environment free of conﬂict is where economic

growth can take place (Froeb et al. 2016). Helping citizens to

meet their needs such as job creation and full employment

will also reduce conﬂict. In addition, good governance and

minimal government intervention in the private production

of goods and services, minimal management of industry

strategies and a more regulatory approach to social and

individual responsibilities could rejuvenate sustainable

development in Africa (Beegle et al. 2016; Ya Ni & Wart 2016).

Enhancing good governance and naon building

Good governance is also about accountabilities, which

depend on information, transparency and recourse

contestability. Because the difﬁculty in ensuring inclusiveness

and accountability in the governance process is so complex,

many approaches have evolved to expand and defend

inclusiveness and to hold governments, and government

ofﬁcials, more accountable.

For policymakers trying to improve their economy's

regulatory environment for business, a good place to start is

to ﬁnd out how it compares with the regulatory environment

in other economies. Nation capacity building is essentially a

long-term process and it needs long-term strategies and

policies whose impact will prevent the emergence of

conditions that give rise to stagnated economic growth

(Miller 2016; Nwazor 2012).

Table 8 shows the current lack of term limit in many

countries in sub-Saharan Africa. While the President

Mugabe of Zimbabwe has been in power for 37 years,

President Yoseveni of Uganda has also been in ofﬁce for 31

years. The president of Gabon 49 years and his colleague in

Angola continues to be the president of his country after 38

years in the same position. On the other hand, President

Paul Biya of Cameroon has also been in ofﬁce for 35 years,

President Omar Bashir of Sudan 28 years and President

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Thomas Boni of the Republic of Benin 35 years. The new

trend in the sub-continent is that current presidents such as

those of Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Cameroon

and so on have systematically manipulated their national

assembly to change the constitution for them to seek

extended term in ofﬁce as president. The lack of term limit

has created a lot of economic development, social and

political problems in Africa. These vampire presidents that

want to perpetually stay in ofﬁce are so corrupt and

authoritarian in all ramiﬁcations.

To establish the right environment for industrial

development as well as appropriate business and

government relations, there is a need to develop a

political system whose laws allow competition for power

and which guarantee the possibility of alternate groups

achieving power within a reasonable period. Term limits of

4 or 5 years should be required by the provisions of the

constitution, and no sitting president should be allowed to

amend the constitution for his or her beneﬁt (Bamfo 2009;

Dibie 2014).

The democratic political system should allow large numbers

and groups to be involved in the selection or election of

decision-makers at different levels of the power structure.

Several important principles are absolutely critical to such a

political system: (1) extensive decentralisation of power; (2)

accumulation of wealth through the use of state institutions

must be totally forbidden; (3) the principles of good and

democratic governance must be fully implemented, i.e.

transparency, accountability, independent judiciary and local

action; (4) extensive involvement of indigenous, independent

civil society groups in national and local affairs especially in

the monitoring of policy implementation and service delivery

(Dibie 2014; Froeb 2016; OECD 2007). Figure 2 shows a model

on how to enhance governance. If political and public

administration leaders are serious about transformation of

their governance performance and system they should

adopt the model in Figure 2.

Figure 2 shows a pathway programme to enhance governance.

This pathway could be elaborated along ﬁve principles of

good governance: (1) national actions to strengthen external

accountability, (2) national checks and balances to strengthen

internal accountability, (3) measures to enhance inclusiveness,

(4) administrative reform to improve internal accountability,

(5) local actions to strengthen external accountability and

(6) adoption of laws and regulations (Ake 2005; Dibie 2003;

Katzioloudes 2006; OECD 2007).

Conclusion

This article has examined government leadership, conﬂict

and economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. It

argues that ineffective political leadership and conﬂict will

serve as a lever to poor economic growth and social

development in the continent of Africa. The article

identiﬁed the following as the major causes of conﬂict in

Africa: personalisation of both the national government

and regime, the Vampire State, poverty and slow economic

development, ethnicity and competition for control

political power, religion and lack of term limit problems.

Although internal and external mediations are suggested

to resolve conﬂict in Africa, a calculated and responsive

mediator can be used to leverage incentives to minimise

insecurity and prevent intense conﬂict from occurring or

escalating out of control.

The article also explored strategic imperative approaches

such as inclusiveness, responsiveness and efﬁciency in

governance, servant leadership, trust creation and conﬁdence

building as mechanism for development. In addition, it

examined decentralisation of power to the grassroots,

pluralism and decentralisation of the economy, political

communication, education, promotion and defence of human

rights as possible solutions. Other factors include creation of

an effective judicial system where no one including the

president is above the law, creation of appropriate political

machinery and popular participation in all aspects of the

development process.

TABLE 8: Nature of polical leadership in selected African countries.

Name of country Name of leader Duraon in oce Years Style of leadership Populaon of country

Angola Jose Edwardo dos Santos 1979–2017 38 Brutal dictator and unitary presidenal republic 24.3 million

Benin Thomas Boni 2006–2017 35 Brutal dictator 9.4 million

Cameroon Paul Biya 1982–2017 35 Dominant party presidenal republic 20 million

Egypt Itsni Mubarak 1981–2011 30 Authoritarian regime 90.7 million

Equatorial Guinea Obiang Nguema 1979–2017 38 Brutal dictator and control of the media 740 000

Chad Idriss Deby 1990––2017 27 Authoritarian regime 11.8 million

Democrac Republic of Congo Joseph Kabila 2001–2017 16 Semi-authoritarian 69.6 million

Mobuto Sese Seko 1965–1997 32 Brutal dictator and control of the media and central bank

Gabon Omar Bango 1960–2009 49 Brutal dictator 1.5 million

Ali Bango 2009–2017 8 Semi-democrac

Gambia Yahya Jammeh 1994–2017 23 Authoritarian regime 1.8 million

Libya Maummar Gadda 1969–2011 42 Brutal dictator 6.4 million

Sao Tome Pinto da Costa 1975–1990 15 Semi-democrac 172 000

2011–2017 6

Sudan Omar Hassan Bashir 1989–2017 28 Authoritarian regime 45.7 million

Uganda Yoweri Yoseveni 1986–2017 31 Semi-democrac 35.6 million

Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe 1980–2017 37 Brutal dictator 13 million

Source: Central Intelligence Agency 2008-01-03

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Other scholars also contend that good governance

in Africa should include: (1) national actions to

strengthen external accountability, (2) national checks

and balances to strengthen internal accountability, (3)

measures to enhance inclusiveness, (4) administrative

reform to improve internal accountability, (5) local actions

to strengthen external accountability and (6) adoption

of laws and regulations (Dibie 2003; Katzioloudes 2006;

OECD 2007; Uwazie 2014).

Finally, governance network will provide the opportunities

for citizen participation. Cooperative network will

enhance more effective regulatory control and the

expression of public sector values within the marketplace

in Africa. This will happen because of the sense of

shared responsibility and the dependent relationship

(Aforlabi 2003; Kraft & Furlong 2016; Nwoke 2010). Judicial

reform and a free media are also an important instrument

to encourage participation of civil society groups and

citizens in conﬂict resolution in Africa. Participatory social

accountability tools will increase contact between citizens

and governments and therefore increase transparency,

accountability and good governance. Therefore, the

positive attributes of inclusive governance encompass

material well-being, wider choices and opportunities for

people to realise their potentials and the guarantee of

equity of treatment, freedom to choose and full participation

in the process by which citizens govern themselves in

all countries in Africa. One fact is that it will take Africans

to develop their respective countries. Africans must be

the change they wish to see in the continent and they

must develop a common sense approach to economic

development goals.

Compeng interest

The authors declare that they have no ﬁnancial or personal

relationships which may have inappropriately inﬂuenced

them in writing this article.

Authors' contribuons

R.D. was the project leader and J.D. wrote part of the

introduction and administered some of the questionnaires in

west Africa. R.D. and J.D. collaborated in using SPSS to

perform the analysis of the data. R.D. conducted the focus

group meetings and wrote the literature review and the

policy recommendations. J.D. and R.D. designed the research

methods and wrote the analysis and conclusion sessions of

the article.

Programme to enhance

governance

Inclusiveness

• Mandate universal suﬀrage for all elected posts.

• Reduce discriminaon in laws and regulaons.

• Broaden government consultave mechanisms.

• Encourage broad-based civil society organizaons.

• Monitor whether public service agency staﬀ treat cizens equitably.

Internal accountability

• Increase oversight authority and

capability of parliament over execuve.

• Ensure greater independence of the judiciary.

• Improve professional capacity of parliaments

and judiciary.

• Empower other independent oversight

agencies and mandate review by them.

External accountability

• Mandate greater freedom of informaon and public

disclosure of government operaons.

• Invite external oversight to ensure open, fair,

regular elecons.

• Invite public debate on policies by representave

civil society groups.

• Encourage independent and responsible media.

• Generate, monitor, and disseminate data on

governance quality.

Administrave measures

• Improve performance orientaon to include monitoring

of government budget.

• Reform the civil service to enhance its service

orientaon and professional competence.

• Strengthen the resources and capacity of local agencies

to design, adapt and deliver public service.

• Ensure independent regulatory agencies.

• Foster an ethic of service to the public in the civil

service.

Local acons

• Introduce feedback mechanisms from clients to providers and

publish results.

• Increase compeon among public service agencies and private

providers.

• Move towards increased devoluon to elected local authories.

• Create opportunies for involvement of community empowerment

associaons.

Source: Organizaon for Economic Cooperaon and Development (OECD), 2007, Business for development: Fostering the private sector, viewed 04 April 2016, from hp://www.oecd.org/dev

FIGURE 2: Enhance governance model.

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... This violence has largely resisted efforts at resolution and amelioration. Here, weak state capacity, abysmal economic performance, absence of political will and the nature of the political system in the Sahel region are critical explanatory factors (Boas & Torhiem, 2013;Bleck et al., 2016: 1;Dibie & Dibie, 2017;Cold-Ravnkilde, 2013: 9;Hyasom, 2014: 1). ...

Social exclusion and political marginalisation are concepts entrenched in political science discourse yet resist scholarly efforts to assign their nature a rigid frame. Employing secondary sources within a historical-descriptive,explanatory and analytical research design, this study interrogates the impacts of claims of social exclusion and political marginalisation and their role in the Tuareg rebellion and the protraction of the armed conflict in Mali. It argues that, while armed conflict persists in Mali, the narrow interpretation, lack of consensus on determining thresholds, misrepresentation of poverty to represent social exclusion and political marginalisation, coupled with reductionist explanations of the crisis, have worsened the security situation in Mali and imperiling the probability of achieving sustainable peace. Hence, there is the need for the Malian government to respect salient issues in peace agreements reached with warring parties; adopt social policies encompassing job provision, poverty eradication, provision of basic infrastructure and security in the bid to address issues fuelling; and prevent a relapse into a future state of conflict. Lastly, the international community must collaborate with the Malian government to ensure peace deals beyond paper are implemented.

"Civil war conflict is a core development issue. The existence of civil war can dramatically slow a country's development process, especially in low-income countries which are more vulnerable to civil war conflict. Conversely, development can impede civil war. When development succeeds, countries become safer―when development fails, they experience a greater risk of being caught in a conflict trap. Ultimately, civil war is a failure of development. "'Breaking the Conflict Trap' identifies the dire consequences that civil war has on the development process and offers three main findings. First, civil war has adverse ripple effects that are often not taken into account by those who determine whether wars start or end. Second, some countries are more likely than others to experience civil war conflict and thus, the risks of civil war differ considerably according to a country's characteristics including its economic stability. Finally, Breaking the Conflict Trap explores viable international measures that can be taken to reduce the global incidence of civil war and proposes a practical agenda for action. "This book should serve as a wake up call to anyone in the international community who still thinks that development and conflict are distinct issues." Source: Amazon -- https://www.amazon.com/Breaking-Conflict-Trap-Development-Research/dp/0821354817/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1550856279&sr=8-1&keywords=breaking+the+conflict+trap

John Burton
Frank Dukes

Conflict resolution is now recognized as a major area of research. Yet because of its pervasive nature as a subject, drawing on so many different disciplines, there has long been a need for a reader, bringing together many of the most important and representative essays written to date. This book aims to fill the gap. Equally important, a comprehensive bibliography further anchors the subject - providing academics, diplomats, students and others interested in conflict studies with an excellent basis for future research.

Joseph Chukwudi Nwazor

Abstract Nigeria as a nation is faced with many challenges in which unemployment is paramount. Many graduate youths roam about the streets without jobs. The ones that are self-employed do not have /raining that could sustain their businesses. This paper attempts to look at capacity building for entrepreneurs and sustainable development. The purpose of the paper is to examine how entrepreneurship could be sustained in Nigeria through capacity building programmes. The unemployed youths will find this study useful because it will expose them to different entrepreneurships in Nigeria and make them to give more importance to traditional education that exist in their families. The entrepreneurs in Nigeria will find this study a valuable asset that will make them to go for more capacity building programmes. The study will also give the federal government of Nigeria an impetus to give more support and assistance to entrepreneurship. The paper is in four main sections. The first section, introduction contains a brief explanation of the key terms: entrepreneurship, capacity building, development and sustainable development. Section two examined capacity building programmes for entrepreneurs in Nigeria. Section three x-rayed the challenges faced by entrepreneurs in Nigeria. Conclusion is the fourth section.

Jerel A. Rosati
David J. Carroll
Roger Coate

Human needs approaches to the study of international relations rest on the basic assumption that human needs are a key motivational force behind human behavior and social interaction. According to this perspective, there exist specific and relatively enduring human needs which individuals will inevitably strive to satisfy, even at the cost of personal disorientation and social disruption. As human needs theorists point out, there is empirical support for this assumption in a developed body of literature in the social sciences, both experimental and documentary, which demonstrates clearly that individuals have fundamental human needs such that if they are deprived of those needs, especially in the early years of development, they will suffer physically and psychologically.

Source: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319896271_Analysis_of_the_paralysis_of_government_leadership_in_sub-Saharan_Africa

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